The Ron DeSantis Presidential Campaign Kicked Off Already… in 1964

It’s becoming increasingly obvious that Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis is on the precipice of officially launching a presidential campaign. From his recent trips to crucial states like New Hampshire and Iowa, to the usual international trip undertaken by potential presidents, a quest for the highest office in the land is on the horizon for DeSantis.

There are those who contend his candidacy embodies a new fresh face within the Republican Party. DeSantis critiques modern culture with the now popular (and notorious) term “woke” and laments about the tyranny of “cancel culture.” He is locked into the day-to-day national news story outside of traditional electoral politics.

For example, he joined online conservatives rallying against Bud Light for collaborating with a trans social media influencer for a fun marketing campaign. DeSantis’ team then posted a vicious video mocking trans athletes, and the governor shared in an interview he’d never drink Bud Light again.

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Although his commentary on the news cycle may seem novel, it’s not. In truth, it is a derivative, unremarkable offering that follows a familiar and predictable conservative script. It’s a recycled playbook, devoid of originality or fresh insights. The so-called “DeSantis Doctrine” lacks transformative ideas, it’s a merely repackaged conservative ideology from the past.

And no, it’s not inspired by Trump MAGA populism in 2016 or George W. Bush’s “compassionate conservatism” in 2000. It takes its cue from Barry Goldwater in 1964.

In 1964, the Democrats and President Lyndon B. Johnson secured a major legislative victory. Through organizing, coalition building, and legislative maneuvering, the Civil Rights Act was signed into law. Right after the president’s pen hit the paper, the Republicans nominated the senator who was the most vocal against the Act; Barry Goldwater of Arizona.

Goldwater, like DeSantis, embraced the extreme underbelly of the conservative movement. At the GOP convention in 1964, Goldwater fearlessly proclaimed his radicalism, asserting that “extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.” Even prior to that pivotal moment, Goldwater articulated his regressive position, leaving no room for ambiguity. He expressed his opposition to the Civil Rights Act, emphasizing that this landmark legislation, which aimed to safeguard individuals from racial, national origin, or color-based discrimination in educational programs or activities, would result in nothing short of the “loss of our God-given liberties.”

Moreover, much like Goldwater before him, DeSantis staunchly adheres to the belief that the American education system falters under the weight of what he derogatorily labels as “wokeness.” This rhetoric bears a striking resemblance to Goldwater's more candid condemnation of the American educational system. In The Conscience of a Conservative, the book Goldwater wrote prior to his White House run, he states: “The trouble with American education is that we have put into practice the educational philosophy expounded by John Dewey and his disciples. In varying degrees we have adopted what has been called progressive education.”

To understand Goldwater’s argument, it’s important to understand the historical context in which he lived. In 1899, John Dewey, a prominent philosopher and educator released a book called, The School and Society. He argued that the old model of schooling—students sitting in rows, memorizing and reciting—was failing. Instead, Dewey believed students should be active in class. As a professor at the University of Chicago, Dewey took this theory and put it into practice. He conducted experiments with students focused on actively participating in class and learning from students’ direct experiences.

His hope was that this type of teaching method would replicate the problem-solving that humans have had to do throughout history, and students would learn how to cooperate in the classroom, as they would need to in a democratic society. In this educational procedure, children would come face-to-face with challenges concerning diversity and inclusion, much like in the real world.

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Dewey later taught as a professor at Columbia University, and under his direction the school’s teaching program became the premier school of education in the United States. By the time of his death in 1952, Dewey was acknowledged to be one of the most influential American educators. Common educational activities that we are all familiar with—like physical education, field trips, student councils, team sports, and a focus on problem-solving—all derive from the musings of John Dewey. His methods were applied in school districts all over the nation.

This educational model spread fast throughout Goldwater’s lifetime, gaining traction and spreading from state to state at an astounding rate. Again in The Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater confronted this head-on, asserting, “In our anxiety to improve the world and insure progress we have permitted our schools to become laboratories for social and economic change.”

Sounds pretty familiar, right?

DeSantis practically word-for-word copies the radicalism of Goldwater, as he forcefully opposes government intervention in the realms of civil rights and American education.

Strikingly reminiscent of Goldwater’s agenda, DeSantis harbors an unhinged inclination to dismantle vital components of our education system that are designed to equip students with the skills necessary to thrive within a multiracial democratic society. A glaring testament to this ideology unfolded earlier on May 15, when DeSantis wielded his pen to enact a bill that unapologetically banned the teaching of programs centered around diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) within Florida public universities.

DeSantis, after signing the bill, claimed, “DEI is better viewed as standing for discrimination, exclusion, and indoctrination.” This stark repudiation serves as a direct assault on the prevailing movement to instill within our students the indispensable values of empathy and respect, particularly toward those who diverge from their own lived experiences.

By engaging in this audacious maneuver, DeSantis displays his unyielding commitment to stifle educational initiatives that foster intellectual growth. In the spirit of Goldwater, DeSantis holds disdain for the educational tools that cultivate a sense of collaboration among students who will be the future of our democratic society.

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Goldwater lost the election in a landslide, but his ideas became a magna carta for the conservative moment and an almost biblical doctrine for Republican loyalists in the Reagan years.

While it’s unclear whether DeSantis can win the nomination (most polls have him in a distant second behind former President Trump) it should concern every American that this toxic and backwards ideology has once again found a place of prominence in today’s politics.

The American project is always a work in motion, a constant push towards creating a more equal country. But the ideas of Goldwater, now rebooted and updated for the digital age by DeSantis, are a threat to that progress. A DeSantis administration could undo decades of good work from visionary leaders, dedicated organizers, and impassioned citizens who fought to create a more equitable American way of life.

To truly comprehend the roots of DeSantis ideology, every American must grasp its origins. It’s beyond a mere reaction to the cultural discourses of our era. Rather, the DeSantis Doctrine is an audacious years-long endeavor, an insidious attempt to hijack the very essence of a United States that has evolved, and surreptitiously drag it back into the clutches of its past self.

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